As the referendum day (14 October) approaches, we invite you to join us to learn more and ask questions about the Voice Referendum – 澳华社区”原住民之声”问答论坛(中英文双语).
Date/Time: Saturday 7 October 2023, 1:45PM – 3:30PM
Venue: Box Hill Town Hall – Matsudo Room. 1022 Whitehorse Road, Box Hill, VIC 3128.
This forum is jointly organised by the RMIT University Chinese-Australian Studies Forum and the Chinese Community Council of Australia, Victoria Chapter (CCCAV).
YES for the Voice: A Chinese-Australian’s Perspective
Chek Ling (林忠质)
1984 was a seminal year for me. Not George Orwell’s, but our own Geoffrey Blainey’s 1984. In that year my childhood imaginations of God’s own country got blown up by Blainey’s year-long anti-Asian campaign. He was then the pre-eminent historian of Australia. And now 60 years after I came to Oz, I wonder if the NO case for the Voice referendum is a lab-incubated 2023 mutation of the Yellow Peril virus first released in C19 terra nullius.
Much water has flowed under the bridge. In 1973 Gough Whitlam, to the discomfort of many who had imbibed their mother’s milk of White Australia, buried the White Australia Policy. And then in 1984 Blainey seized his chance. The sudden influx of Vietnamese refugees after the fall of Saigon in 1976 had badly upset the traditional white inhabitants in run-down suburbs where the refugees had swiftly descended, and taken over! Ah, if White Australia was no more, perhaps a man of Blainey’s stature could stem the tide of time and at least preserve the British culture. He launched his campaign. Stop the flow of Asian immigrants, lest they water down that “crimson thread” to which Henry Parkes had drunk a toast whilst campaigning for “A United Australia” at the 1890 Federal Convention in Melbourne.
At Federation in 1901 the dream of a White Australia was enshrined in the Constitution. The original inhabitants were not mentioned: God had ordained that they would die out, terra nullius thus made sacred. The Chinese would fade away, as the cunning Dictation Test would ensure: the Yellow Peril thus avoided for good. And the Kanakas, prototype of today’s temporary-visa hired hands, to be deported en masse: OUT!
It was the time. Race was everything, with White on top of the totem pole of humanity. And our founding fathers certainly did not want the Chinese to be included in our constitution.
It is clear that once that decision to exclude the Chinese was made, the reasons soon followed and mutated.
The Chinese will swamp us. There are so many of them in China!
The Chinese are heathens. They bring diseases (though not Covid yet!). They have bad habits.
And above all, they are a threat to our unprotected women.
All huge, huge anxieties incubated from selected fragments of truth.
And thus the fear of The Yellow Peril was enshrined in our Constitution.
As a latter-day Chinese Australian I see a parallel in the Ten Reasons crafted by the NO case for the Voice Referendum.
In 1992, just 20 years after Gough Whitlam had buried the White Australia Policy, the High Court handed down its Mabo judgement. It exploded the lie of terra nullius: an existential blow to the sanctity of our-purity-of-race Constitution.
The White Australia Policy is no more, but the Yellow Peril virus has mutated, periodically flaring up: evoking nostalgia for the crimson thread in 1984; channelling Howard’s culture war; fuelling Pauline Hanson’s rise and rise; gestating Clive Hamilton’s Silent Invasion; and of late stirring up the drums of AUKUS to ward off the China threat.
Terra nullius likewise is no more, but the rearguard soldiers on.
Since the Mabo judgment cannot be upset, the rearguard must make sure that the Constitution is protected from any consequential flow-on. Thus Keating’s Native Title Act had to be nobbled at all costs. For if we had simply acknowledge that the original inhabitants were here and did have their own systems of government, that would have been just bearable; but to allow them to claim their ancestral lands legally was a step too far.
Thus Tim Fisher, then Deputy Prime Minister, warned that everyone’s backyard was under threat from Native Title claims. Yet no-one I know has lost their backyard! But it paved the way for John Howard in 1997 to emasculate Keating’s Native Title Act with his Ten Point Plan, largely to appease the mining lobby. Aye, just like the beat-up fears of the Yellow Peril that led to the White Australia Policy being enshrined in our Constitution!
So it is with the Voice Referendum. The vanguard has conceded that a simple acknowledgement of the original inhabitants in the Constitution would be acceptable, but to allow the same people to sit, retrospectively as it were, at the table when the Constitution was wrought into shape, was just too much. What’s gunner happen next? All the inheritors of the crimson thread being told that they are no longer citizens of this “most successful multicultural nation in the world”?
It is the same existential anxiety that in 1997 drove the new Coalition government to nobble the Native Title Act.
I wonder if all of this is incubating in the mind of Peter Dutton, handed the poisoned chalice of a Liberal Party shorn of MPs attractive to the younger and/or better educated voters, owing to a purge that began with Howard and got put into overdrive with Morrison. Dutton needs a miracle. Perhaps the NO subterfuge could turn the tide for him, just as the Tampa-inspired national security ruse had done for Howard!
No wonder then that the NO narrative bears all the hallmarks of the Yellow Peril hysteria: Risky; Unknown; Divisive; Permanent.
There is a thin shaft of light.
The NO case is all over the place: the Dutton NO; the Lydia NO; and the Mundine NO. A cacophony. All they care about is to blow up the government. Guy Fawkes is probably chuckling in his grave.
But the YES mob has been too timid. A generous invitation for us to walk together! Oi, oi, oi! It’s a spoonful of oil, over a tempestuous sea.
They need to take the strategic risk of making a clean breast of it all. They need a downpour on the gunpowder of the NO vanguard.
Somehow they have to be upfront about the original sin of our Constitution. Terra nullius was a lie. And 230 years of dispossession has left a horrific outcome. At the very least we should made opportune restitutions to redress the injuries inflicted upon the original inhabitants of this land.
We took their land
We deprived them of food
We gave them diseases
We poisoned their water holes
We raped the women
We abducted their children into detention centres
We turned the children into domestic servants
And foot-soldiers for our cattle barons
We perpetuated the cycle
In honour of God’s blessing upon our civilisation
In terra nullius
Our conscience finally pricked
1967
Mabo
Native Title
Many good intentions
Billions spent
But Close the Gap
From White perspectives on high
Has failed
The least we can do now is to give our first peoples an inalienable voice at the table to propose what they need to heal the wounds and to rebuild their hopes.
Author: Chek Ling
Born in Sarawak to parents from Foochow, China. Got to Oz in 1962 on an unexpected Colombo Plan scholarship, to study electrical engineering. Never left.
Have been an activist in the Chinese community since Blainey’s 1984.
A Yes Vote Just as Important to Chinese-Australians as for Our Indigenous Brothers and Sisters
Kingsley Liu (刘仲权律师)
With a population of 1.4 million, Chinese-Australians are the largest ethnic minority community in Australia and our say has weight. From the perspective of that community, an important objective must be playing our part in seeing Australia lift its game to match world standards of acceptance of minorities and particularly of its indigenous peoples.
We all know our Constitution is terribly flawed, it maintains the Race Power in Sec 51 xxvi. The race power provides Parliament the power to make laws for “the people of any race whom it is deemed necessary to make special laws.” Those in politics and public commentary who’ve spent a lifetime opposing any forms of Constitutional change point to the implied conventions of the Constitution as guaranteeing national stability and fairness to all Australians. The most cited convention is – despite what the Constitution says – the British Monarch is not our head of state, rather it is the Governor General. However, “conventions” cleared the way for the White Australia Policy and laws to imprison Australians of Japanese, Italian and German ancestry during World War Two.
Colonial power was still the basis for global rule back in 1901 when Australia became a federation – not a sovereign nation, rather a formalised grouping of six smaller British Colonies still under the British Crown. Australia never legislated a Bill of Rights that guarantees civil rights and liberties—such as freedom of speech, and press, where it sets rules for due process of law and reserves all powers not delegated to the Federal Government to the people or the States. Because of this, the passage of Immigration Restriction Act, Poll Taxes, Dictation Tests, Citizen Tests, and Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme had been operating one after the other for over 100 years. And all of these instruments have contributed to the marginalisation of Chinese-Australian communities. The right thing for us to see is marginalized communities coming out from underneath.
The same flaw much more tragically operated from the beginning of white settlement to keep suppression and marginalization of the Indigenous community – some in apartheid South Africa even envied our constitutional race powers.
The Voice is where the Chinese and Indigenous peoples can reach for shared values in our communities. The same sharing extends further for multicultural Australia, with 25% of the population not being of Anglo/European descent. Why cannot we maintain that any advance for Indigenous rights works to “affirm a kindred action” for other minorities. Any step forward to multi-polarity in the entire community not only brings more expansion and development of the Indigenous rights, but fundamentally advances our own for Chinese Australians and other minorities.
We need to ask if the yes vote for Voice is only allowed for indigenous peoples, then what would the indigenous vote be by itself for its Voice? Fair go is fair go. Polling says over eighty percent of Indigenous Australians support the Yes Vote.
I ask my fellow Chinese Australians as to why would we merge our precious votes along with No camp and how would we be able to explain to our children that whilst we do not consider ourselves as racists, yet in 2023 a number of us may vote together with the No’s to stop the Voice. If so, sadly our anti-racism campaigns over the recent years from the Chinese community comes to nought.
When we view the photo of Jimmy Chi, we know that we know that Chinese Australians and Indigenous Australians stood together, and often married, in the Northern Territory, throughout the 1800s and that we walked overland from Darwin to Cooktown across sacred lands.
Author : Kingsley Liu
A third-generation Chinese-Australian, Kingsley has had a diverse career, spanning power engineering and investment banking from Melbourne to Canada and Asia.
In 2006, Kingsley co-founded The People’s Solicitors alongside Jeff Shaw QC, the former New South Wales Attorney-General, and later a Supreme Court judge, to represent disadvantaged individuals and the less privileged.
He remains an active Honorary President of the Chinese Community Council of Australia. His three-year tenure as the National President of the Asian Australian Lawyers Association was transformative.
Chinese Community Hosts Forum to Promote Understanding and Support for the Indigenous Voice
Shortly after the announcement of the referendum date as 14th October, on the Saturday afternoon of 9th September 2023, about seventy community members gathered at Box Hill Town Hall to participate in a community Q&A forum on the Indigenous Voice Referendum. This event was organised by the Chinese Community Council of Australia, Victoria Chapter (CCCAV).
Paul Hamer MP, the local member for Box Hill, opened the community forum by expressing his support for the Indigenous Voice and emphasising the need to understand its significance over the next five weeks leading to the referendum.
The forum proceeded to feature three speakers who passionately voiced their support for the Indigenous Voice. These speakers included Marcus Stewart, a member of the First Nations Referendum Working Group, Wesa Chau, a member of the 40 Under 40 Most Influential Asian Australians, and Jimmy Li, President of CCCAV.
After the main speakers and some questions and answers, Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews addressed the forum, emphasizing that voting Yes is not only the smart thing to do but also the right thing to do.
We believe that the referendum question regarding the recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of Australia through a Voice is a modest, simple, clear, well-defined, safe and beneficial proposal.
We urge voters from the Chinese community to vote “Yes” in this referendum. This is to show respect and recognition for the Indigenous people who have lived on this land for over 65,000 years. It is an opportunity to genuinely improve the lives of Indigenous communities through listening, to heal historical wounds and promote reconciliation, and to strengthen the multicultural environment.
To promote a fairer and more harmonious multicultural society aligns with the long-term interest and well-being of the Chinese community. The Chinese community, which demonstrates a strong sense of justice and compassion, will undoubtedly gain greater respect in Australian society. Let us look to the future together with all communities and work together for a brighter tomorrow.
The ‘Proposed Law’ that Australians are being asked to vote upon is set out in the Constitution Alteration Bill. If approved at the referendum, the Bill would add the following words to the Constitution:
Chapter IX Recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples
129 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice
In recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of Australia:
there shall be a body, to be called the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice;
the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice may make representations to the Parliament and the Executive Government of the Commonwealth on matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples;
the Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have power to make laws with respect to matters relating to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice, including its composition, functions, powers and procedures.
为承认原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民是澳大利亚的原住民族: i. 应设立一个名为“原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民之声”的机构; ii. “原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民之声“可以就与原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民有关的问题向议会和联邦行政政府提出意见; iii. 在符合本宪法的前提下,议会有权就与原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民之声有关的事项制定法律,包括其组成、职能、权力和程序。
The websinar is to launch a new research report authored by Professor Wanning Sun for the Australia-China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney (UTS:ACRI), First-generation PRC migrants and social cohesion: Views on news about the PRC and Chinese-Australians, which investigates responses and reactions by first-generation Mandarin-speaking migrants in Australia from the PRC to news stories about the PRC and about Chinese-Australian communities in English-language Australian digital, print, television and other media.
The report seeks to understand the implications of these first-generation migrants’ views on news reporting for social cohesion in Australia.